SULTANMAMET SULTAN


Sultanmamet Sultan (1710-1794) – a prominent statesman of the Kazakh Khanate, a descendant of  Jochi Khan, a cousin of Abylai Khan. He was the foreman of the Kypchak tribe in the Middle Irtysh region, “Batyr” – hero, “Sardar” – warrior, who bravely fought against the Volga Kalmyks and the Zhungars.

Biography

There are a number of historical figures who have been undeservedly forgotten in our history, because they were not studied due to a number of subjective and objective circumstances of the Soviet era. This refers primarily to the life and work of one of the national figures of the XVIII century – Sultanmamet, a descendant of Jochi Khan and the influential Sultan of the Kazakh Khanate, who skillfully controlled the Kazakhs of the Middle Irtysh region on behalf of Khan Abulmamet and Sultan Abylai.

The time of the appearance of Sultanmamet in the Middle Irtysh region dates back to the mid 30s of the XVIII century. Apparently, peers, cousins ​​- Abylai and Sultanmamet were appointed Sultans of certain clans at the same time: Sultanmamet began to rule the “Kypchak tribe” of the Middle Irtysh region, and Abylai – the clan of the Atygays from the Argyn tribe. Sultanmamet (full name – “Sultanmuhammed”, in various sources known as “Saltan Mamet”, “Mamet Saltan”, “Sultanbet”, etc.). He was born in southern Kazakhstan in 1710. His parents and close relatives lived in Turkestan – the then capital of the Kazakh Khanate. Thanks to the patronage of the Khan of the Middle Zhuz – Abulmambet, who was the son-in-law of Sultanmamet, the latter was appointed the Sultan of the Kypchak tribe in Irtysh. Despite the difficult political conditions, Sultanmamet remained loyal to his people, was known as a respectable, worthy, skillful ruler in relations with the Russian Empire administration.

 The Sultan of the “Kypchak tribe”, at the same time the ruler of the entire Middle Irtysh region, he was known among contemporaries as an outstanding diplomat who took an active part in numerous and complex negotiation processes: with the Russian Empire, Qing Empire and the Dzungarian state. He and his sons also had to solve difficult issues with warlike Kyrgyz, Karakalpaks and Uzbeks, and often send armed units there, as part of a pan-Kazakh militia. Today, the first known information about Sultanmamet dates back to 1739, where, according to S. Ualikhanov, at that time he was next to Abylai when the Russians negotiated through them, bypassing Abulmambet, which had a nominal status of senior Khan in the steppe [1, from. 113].

By the way, the latter wandered at a considerable distance from the Russian border lines and preferred to live in Turkestan. Here is the assessment given to Abulmambet, Abylai and Sultanmamet by the famous scientist Sh. Ualikhanov: «…Be that as it may, in 1739 we find him (Abylay) the strongest of the owners of the Middle Horde, and the Russian government mainly deals with Abylai and his brother, Sultanbet, because the real khan (Abulmambet) , according to the testimony of all the Russians who were sent to the Horde at that time, meant nothing …» [2, 113]. In the report of the Head of the Orenburg Commission I. Neplyuyev to the College of Foreign Affairs of September 27, 1742, we see the Irtysh Sultan as one of the main actors of the Kazakh Khanate: «… When I was at the Orsk fortress And it’s subjects of the Kirghis-Kaisaq hordes came to me withSaltanbet-SaltanfromMiddle Horde» [3, с. 254]. Already at that time, the Sultanmamet was the authoritative ruler of the Kazakhs not only in the north-eastern part of the Kazakh Khanate: he arrived in Russian territory bordering the Younger Zhuz for a thousand kilometers, with the goal of rescuing the influential Sultan Abylai from the Dzungar captivity, and used it as an excuse to accept citizenship, to decide the specific fate of fellow Genghis Khan’s descendant.

A well-known researcher of the Middle Kazakh Zhuz of the second half of the 18th century, I. G. Andreev, being on friendly terms with Sultanmamet, wrote that the Sultan was a descendant of the senior Khan Yesim: « For what it was necessary to put here, to put the clan or generation of this noble sultan, who in my passage now through the Koryakovsky outpost, he himself proved to me that they lead their clan from the ancient clan of their khan, Esim» [4, 101]. As for the location of his tribe, according to the data on Kazakh land use collected by the expedition of statistician F. Shcherbina, as a result of a survey of the Omsk district of the Akmola region, it clearly follows that the power of Sultanmamet and his descendants extended to the Kazakhs future, from 1868 Omsk district Akmola region and Pavlodar, part of the Semipalatinsk districts of the then extensive Semipalatinsk region [5, p. 43].

 The “Kypchak tribe”, which was directly controlled by the Sultanmamet Sultan, began with its nomadic movement from the Yamyshevskaya fortress, down the Irtysh river, along the loans, islands, and ended somewhat lower than the Zhelezinsky fortress [5, 101]. But as archival materials will show, in fact, his power extended right up to the Omsk fortress. And information on the number of subjects of the Sultan of Sultanmamet is contained in the work of Captain I. G. Andreev “Description of the Middle Horde of the Kyrgyz-Kaisak”: « The chief foreman of this volostSultanmamet Sultan is revered. Subject to the best people, except for wives and children, up to 5000» [4, с. 101]. By the way, during military campaigns, he could expose 7-8 thousand soldiers from his tribe.

Sultanmamet ruled the Kazakhs, through his many sons, of whom he had eighteen: Urus (Nauryz), Iman, Ukibay, Tartan, Zhangir, Akhmet, Seit, Caracas, Botai, Karipzhan, Matai, Taymas, Shanshar, Byshkan, Kultai, Mukysh , Kulshyk and Karash. They were born from different wives: according to our information, Sultanmamet had at least two wives. Most likely, H. Bardanes – a member of the Russian academic expedition I. G. Falk – in 1771 described in his notes the younger wife of Sultanmamet [6, p. 284]. He had 18 sons who helped him manage the Kazakhs of North-East Kazakhstan. He was very wealthy: he had 20 thousand horses in his household. He was the initiator of haymaking and trade in the Middle Irtysh region.

 Moreover, the Sultanmamet, despite the fact that he was almost 70 years old, had concubines, which indicates some of his physical strength. One of the examples is a letter dated November 30, 1778, addressed to Major General N. G. Ogarev, he asks to return one of his concubines running away to the line: « According to my letter, the concubine, who was fleeing from me, was sent when I was sent from your Excellency to me, I received it regularly. For which I bring my humble thanks.» [7, p.45].In all likelihood, it was the Volga Kalmyk, captured by him in a campaign of 1771 from among their representatives, who fled to Dzungaria. At different times in his life, a specific “volost” was strictly assigned to each of his sons, mainly from different groups of Kipchaks and Argyns: the Urus Sultan controlled the Basentin region, Iman Sultan – Kurleut-Kipchak, Tortan – Zharymbet-Kipchak, Ukibay – Kyzylkaksleti, Botagoz – Kulatay-Kypchak, Matai – Aktiles, Kultai – Sagal-Kypchak, Kulshyk – Zholaba-Kypchak, Shanshar – Aytey-Basentin, etc. Later, his grandchildren and great-grandchildren will become not only “volost” managers, but senior Sultans of a number of external districts and initiators of the transition to the right bank of the Irtysh. It is curious that the Sultanmamet actively involved its loyal batyrs in the management of the subject Kazakhs. The letters of Sultanmamet and his son Urus mention Batyr Serkeby from the Uaks and Batyr Tleumbet and Bakty Batyrs from the Kanzhigaly clan, Koshkarbai Batyr from the Kypchaks and many others. In 1771, the possession of the Sultanmamet was visited by I. G. Falk, a member of the Russian academic expedition, H. Bardanes, a famous scientist and traveler, who was awarded personal communication with this ruler: «On July 26 of this afternoon I went to the camp of the Sultan, or Prince Mamet, the foreman of the Small Ulus of the Middle Kyrgyz Horde and was awarded a favorable reception. His camp, or village (aul) consisted of 8 felt yurts, or kibitoks, three of which were white felt and cleaner for his surname, the rest were simple for his ministers and shepherds; against the entrance behind the cauldron there was a Persian carpet with a pillow, on which the sultan and his wife sat cross-legged … The sultan was 60 years old, was lean, with a small black beard; he was wearing a silk dress and a cap embroidered with gold. He looked insightful … he asked about the health of the monarchine.» [6, с. 283–284]. 

It is Sultanmamet and his descendants who own the initiative to stabilize interstate relations in the region controlled by him and to persistently promote peaceful methods of resolving border issues that were difficult for that era. The degree of influence of the Irtysh Sultan, as noted above, is evidenced by the fact that in 1762, the Sultanmamet, among 5 Kazakh Khans and Sultans, was invited to the coronation of the Russian Empress Catherine II (Nurali, Abylai, Yeraly, Aishuak and Sultanmamet). They sent a collective congratulation in honor of her accession to the throne [8, p. 227].

Sultanmamet Sultan and his children were very devout. For this, they constantly kept mullahs with them, mainly from the Russian Tatars and, less often, the Bashkirs [7, p. 192-192 about]. Sultanmamet Sultan, realizing that his children should be literate, wanted to give them a home Muslim education. This is evidenced by his letter of January 15, 1778, addressed to Major General N. G. Ogarev, with a request to send a mullah for the education of his children: « I asked your Excellency to send me a mullah, the Bashkir elder Abley, a nephew, for the education of my children.», to which the Russian regional authorities responded with consent [7 p. 44–44 rev.]. The Sultan, acting according to the laws established by Khan Tauke, could even execute his slaves, but in relation to the common people, the intervention of Khan Abylai was required, as can be seen from the numerous letters of the Sultanmamet: « In the theft of which Urus-Saltan is a servile, for whom I have been hanged for theft.» [9, p. 244–244 ob.]. At the same time, the Russian Empire did not intervene in such matters, believing that these were internal issues within the competence of the Kazakh rulers: Khans and Sultans. He actively celebrated Kazakh traditional holidays, including Nauryz  [10, p. 594, 594 ob].

Sultanmamet was very wealthy, just like his children. His wealth was calculated, first of all, by horses. In the case of a feedless or “jut”, he could quickly migrate to the inner side of the border line, on the right bank of the Irtysh. Since 1771, he and his sons managed to obtain permission in the winter to wander on the right bank of the Irtysh, without weapons and with the condition not to approach the Russian fortresses, Cossack and peasant villages. In the case of horse-stealing from the Russians, he could quickly return the stolen cattle. Their subjects did not risk stealing from him. The military men, knowing his communication with the top leadership of the region and the serfs, also feared stealing cattle from him. For each stolen horse, he entered into lengthy and tiring correspondence with Russian authorities for Russian officials. And the fact that the Sultanmamet was very wealthy, having at least about 20 thousand heads of horses alone, is clearly indicated by the report of the commandant of the Yamyshev fortress, second major F. Shakhov, to the commander of the Siberian Corps, Lieutenant General N. G. Ogarev dated January 8, 1788 year, on the bypass of horse herds of Kazakhs, in the winter of 1787-1788, with the application of a detailed statement: «In the area of the village of Chernoye there were foremen of the Basantinevolost of Urus-Sultan evo and his son Tatene, 7,000 horses with 50 herdsmen. Sultanbet and his son Karash had 20,000 horses with 100 herdsmen.» [11, pp.40-42]. Moreover, Sultanmamet could have more cattle, for he did not drive all his cattle to the right bank of the Irtysh. At least a small number of horses could remain with him. It was the daily practice of the rich steppe inhabitants, when, in order to preserve their livestock, they broke it into several parts – braids. Sometimes they gave it to impoverished relatives who could always return them back to them. Without hay reserves, it was difficult to keep cows and sheep in large numbers. Therefore, already in 1776, the Sultanmamet Sultan actively tried to develop mowing, for which he asked the Russian side to send him mowers, as evidenced by his letter to the commander of the Siberian Corps, Major General A. D. Skalon of July 24, 1776 asking him to send ten people to help in hay mowing: «Through this, I ask you, as the haymaking time has now come, to send me a man with braids to me for that supply of hay from the Koryakovskoy outpost of people, with whom I will add my working people, who will produce that supply together.» [12, p. 59 ob].Then the request of the Sultanmamet was granted, as well as earlier of Sultan Abylai: Russian Empire was vitally interested in taming the nomads and their gradual subsidence: they became easily controlled and controlled, as well as less belligerent and wealthy. Then it was decided «suggest that for the supply of hay send five people with braids of pits» [12, p.59 ob.].The Sultanmamet Sultan and his children did not engage in agriculture until the end of the 18th century, as this was not the occupation of wealthy pastoralists who traditionally despised the agricultural way of life. But one of the first descendants of Sultanmamet, who started farming, was Taten Urusuly (1793 – XIX century), the governor of the Basentyin volost. According to N. G. Apollova, by 1808, the Sultan Taten Urusov, being in the Klyuchi tract (on the right bank of the Irtysh), was the first of his relatives to engage in cultivation [13, с. 226].

Sultanmamet and his subjects were actively engaged in hunting. Sometimes lead was not enough for this type of activity, and in such cases, expressing his special respect and respect for the Russian side, he asked him to hunt wild birds, which abounded in the lakes and rivers of the Middle Irtysh. This follows from a letter from Sultanmamet to the commander of troops on the Siberian lines, Major General von Weimarn of September 23, 1760: «The Kirghis-Kaisatsky (Kazakh. – Auth.) Middle horde from your reliable Saltamamet-Saltan: Mr. Major General Ivan von Weimarn … the Cossack (Kazakh. – Auth.) Great Horde, although it lives far away from you, it’s very reliable … We ask, as we have a lot of birds here, then to send them, send us lead.» [14, p.250 ob.]. At the request of Sultanmamet, in 1776, on a right bank of the Irtysh River, eight miles from the Koryakovsky outpost, a wooden house was built – a “choir”, the first in the whole of Irtysh, erected with the money of the Russian Empire government. Such “requests” of the Kazakh rulers meant their attempts to establish themselves, to “secondarily” settle on the original Kazakh lands of the Irtysh River basin, especially after the destruction of the Dzungar state by the Qing troops. The Russian court had its own interests regarding the construction of the Kazakh Sultans and foremen of stationary buildings: this was understood as a form of vigilant control, socio-economic and political, and to some extent “weakening” of the steppes. Once mobile, steppe inhabitants, almost always invulnerable to enemies, especially their rulers, had to perform functions unusual for them.

Sultanmamet was the initiator of many “satovok” (trade), which appeared in the area of ​​Irtysh fortresses. So, from the very beginning of the creation of the 10 km strip along the left Irtysh, the Sultan began trading activities with serfs. In particular, the report of Colonel A. D. Skalon, commandant of the Yamyshevsky fortress to the commander of the Siberian corps, Lieutenant-General I.I. Springer, noted that from 18 to 24 January 1765, a satin with local Kazakhs was started in the Yamyshevskoye fortress, including with the people of the Sultanmamet of the Sultan, in the amount of 25 people. From the Russian side there were mainly Bukhara merchants who settled in the Siberian cities of Tobolsk and Tara. There were also Russian merchants, represented by the Tobolsk merchant Grigory Nechaev. On the part of the subjects of the Sultan were the following goods: corsacs, horses, foxes, wolves, felt, silver, etc. The Russians offered cloth, cauldrons, tagans, corals, etc. [15, l.188, 188 about]. Often, cross-border trade with the Russians was initiated by the Sultanmamet himself or one of his sons. In the conditions of nomadic life, the arrival of Russian and Asian merchants to the steppes was very convenient. This can be seen from the letter of the son of the Sultan of the Basenti volost -Urus (the eldest son of Sultanmamet) addressed to General Stanislavsky dated March 14, 1771: « Please send merchants to us for satovka. And in the summer, there are quite a few Tashkent and Bukhara residents for that satovka» [16, p. 94, 94 ob.]. From the same letter, the Sultan can clearly see that he clearly controlled the movement of the steppes of Central Asian merchants, being to some extent a guarantee of their safety. The Sultanmamet often asked the regional authorities to open permanent places for trade, in which Kazakhs, military fortresses, representatives of the peoples and states of Central Asia could take part. He controlled the people from Central Asia himself. Since they passed through the Kazakh steppes, they regularly paid him duties. For this they received personal security and the safety of their goods. So, on September 13, 1772, Sultanmamet turned to the commander of the Siberian Corps, Lieutenant General I. A. Decolong, with a request to build a barter yard opposite the Yamyshev fortress, where the access of Russians was somewhat limited and unsafe, guaranteeing the arrival of Tashkent merchants: « And if I receive a notice on my request for the construction of a courtyard, then I, like the Tashkent people, so that they would come to the market for bargaining, I will also let my Kyrgyz people know on purpose.» [17, p.180, 180 ob]. Back in 1745, the Sultans Abylai and Sultanmamet turned to the Siberian authorities with a request to open a bargain in the Yamyshevsky fortress. This appeal was associated with extreme shortage of Kazakhs bread, cloth, knives, fishing rods and axes. In turn, the population of the Irtysh fortresses needed the restoration of horse stock, cattle, often dying of anthrax. Therefore, in the same year, General Kinderman allowed trade in the Semipalatinsk and Yamyshev fortresses. The inhabitants of the steppe brought for trade sheepskin, sheepskin coats, skins of foxes and carcasses, “saiga” skins, felt, rams, bulls and horses. Kazakhs, Russians, Dzungars and Central Asian merchants participated in the trade. But during the military raids of the Dzungars, trade in the fortresses temporarily ceased [18, с. 399–400].

Of great interest to researchers is the active interaction of the Sultan of Sultanmamet with the senior Khan Abylai, his maneuvers in the diplomatic field. Looking ahead, we note that the Irtysh ruler-Genghis Khan’s descendant Sultanmamet was one of the most influential statesmen of his time, and his active position in protecting the borders of his possessions and the Kazakh Khanate as a whole, from external expansion, fit into the history of the region under study and was reflected in multi-genre sources. And in the Middle Zhuz, Russia met some difficulties and some resistance from the Abylai-Sultanmamet coalition, which worked together in tandem, preventing their unity and monolith from breaking for nearly forty years. They controlled not only the Middle Zhuz, but also, partly, the adjacent territories of the Senior Zhuz and even a little of the Younger. Both led a coordinated active foreign policy, making proactive campaigns against the Dzungars, Volga Kalmyks, Chinese, Kyrgyz and Uzbeks.

Between Abylai and Sultanmamet, the warmest and most trusting relations have developed, which can be explained by a number of circumstances. Firstly, they were close relatives – cousins. Secondly, they were of the same age and like-minded people, always supporting each other in all foreign policy relations and internal affairs. Thirdly, their joint military fraternity is an important factor: they together participated in many military operations against the Dzungars and Volga Kalmyks, suffering all military deprivations and hardships together. They consulted in the most difficult situations. Helping each other in the most difficult situations. Fourth, their childhood passed together in the south of Kazakhstan. And these warm and allied relations of cousins ​​were strengthened at the very beginning of their appointment as managers of their volosts. This is confirmed by the following: on August 27, 1742, the Sultanmamet arrives in the Orsk fortress to the head of the Orenburg Commission I. Neplyuyev for assistance in the release of Sultan Abylai from the Dzungar prisoner, and on August 28 in Orsk he accepted Russian citizenship [3, с. 242–243].

Over time, their friendships strengthened even more, especially after Abylai became the Khan of three Kazakh Zhuzes. This alliance could not but alarm the Russian administration, since each of them represented a danger to the empire. And when they united, the threat to the Russian military presence was much greater. Therefore, the local Russian authorities carefully monitored the progress of contacts between two authoritative steppe rulers, trying, for example, to find out the reasons for Abylai’s next visits to the Sultan and the topics that they raised. In particular, on November 16, 1772, the commander of the Zhelezinsky fortress, Prime Minister S. Krasnoperov, the commander of the Siberian Corps, Lieutenant General I. A. Decolong on the issue of arriving at the Sultanmamet-Sultan Abylai Khan with two sons, reported this in particular: «And according to the announcement of those Kyrgyz-kaisak (Kazakhs. – Auth.), ThatAblay-Saltan and two sons arrived with the declared Saltamamet-Saltan. And according to the news of the Kyrgyz (Kazakh.– Auth.) Elders, the proof is that he arrived for nothing else, as soon as to find and punish their crimes with wine, and not for any other items or what kind of attack on Russian fortresses.» [17, p. 304 ob.]. As you can see, the Russian authorities were worried about contacts between two influential rulers of the Kazakh steppe, in connection with the possibility of combining their efforts to organize attacks on Russian fortresses.

Abylai often consulted with Sultanmamet before the implementation of many large enterprises. For example, before the start of the next campaign against the Kyrgyz, he kept advice with his reliable brother, which clearly follows from the report of the commander of the Peter and Paul Fortress, Major General S. Stanislavsky, to the commander of the Siberian Corps, Lieutenant-General I. A. Decolong dated November 16, 1772, about the upcoming campaign of Abylai Khan on the “wild Kyrgyz”: «Kulsary-batyr, the son of evoKulebak and the centurion Sigis, between conversations with him, Strashnikov, announced that their owner Ablai-Sultan had recently left his ulus on the Irtysh River for Saltamamet-Sultan for advice (!), And which, Kulebyak and Sigis, as if they don’t know. But only to his two sons, he, Ablai, ordered a hiker to march on the Kyrgyz (Kazakhs. – Auth.), Who live to the Daria River in the mountains, for the alleged reason that they are many Evo, Ablai, possessions of the Kyrgyz ( Kazakhs. – Auth.) caused resentment and ruin. And the one Ablai-Sultan told those children to go on a campaign from his uluses as the youngest month-old parent.» [17, p. 311]. By the way, intelligence and secret reports about the intentions of the Sultan and Khan Abylai and Sultanmamet themselves represent a special kind of sources that very clearly convey the tense atmosphere of total surveillance that was installed over the Genghis Khan’s descendant. At the same time, mutual distrust and rechecking of information at the same time allowed the Kazakh rulers to direct their eyes to the southern borders, since the northern gate to the Kazakh lands was under their constant control. With a generally peaceful relationship with the Russian authorities, Abylai and Sultanmamet prepared to consolidate their influence much further south.

Another report of the Tatar mullah Aptigarim Apsalimov, who was with the Sultanmamet Sultan, the commander of the Siberian Corps, Lieutenant General I. A. Decolong, dated November 15, 1772, which provides more complete information about this arrival, testifies to Abylai’s presence at the Sultanmamet of the Sultan: «On November 13, Ablai-Saltan, at fifty, and his two sons, arrived at the middle horde wandering below the station of the Peshchansky Kyrgyz-Kaisatssk (Kazakh. – Auth.)Middle Elder Saltamamet-Saltan, about whom although I, to prevent him, do not know the true news I can, but, however, through the Kyrgyz (Kazakhs.– Auth.)notified that he had arrived to investigate their crimes and punish the guilty. And besides that, supposedly the council believed among themselves to go in revenge on the Uzbek-Kyrgyz with the war … according to the news from the Kyrgyz-Kaisak (Kazakhs. – Auth.), The proof is that he intends to go straight away, while others declare that they will return from their uluses, which for true circumstance I still don’t know. However, that from now on I’ll notify them, your excellency humbly convey not a premium.» [17, p. 327]. As you can see, Sultanmamet and Abylai were negotiating on a different spectrum of problems, primarily concerning foreign trips to the Alatau Kyrgyz and Uzbeks. At the same time, on this visit, Khan Abylai sentenced those Kypchaks who participated in the beating of the Sultan of Urus, which was categorically prohibited by the Great Yasa. Then Abylai was forced to take extreme measures, including with the passing of a death sentence to one of the Kazakhs, and it was also suggested that seven of them be cut off or a large kun fine would be ordered from the guilty [3, p. 436, 436 ob].

Abylai’s instructions were carried out strictly and unquestioningly by the Sultanmamet and his sons. Moreover, his demands were immediately transferred further to other Kazakh foremen, including those not subordinate to him. One of such cases is evidenced by a letter dated March 8, 1774, of the Urus Sultan to the commander of the Siberian Corps, Major General A. D. Skalon, about their fulfillment of the instructions of Abylai Sultan to notify all Sultans and foremen of the need to extradite Russians, stolen horses, etc. livestock military on the line. This letter encloses a list of foremen of the volosts of Northern, North-East and Central Kazakhstan, to whom Abylai’s letters were sent, which indicates the huge influence of Abylai on the steppe, as well as the unquestioning fulfillment by the Sultanmamet and his sons of Khan orders: «1st. Through your Excellency I’m reporting: according to the information I received from your Excellency when I was in the Omsk fortress and with the attachment of a letter from Ablai-Sultanskago, according to which, upon arrival to the uluses, I let our elders and sultans know, namely: 1st Karakire the NaimanAbulfeiis Sultan, the 2nd Matai Naiman foreman AtilaKuchakhkhanov, the 3rd Kukyarinskoy foreman Barak-batyr, the 4th Kireisky elder Umir-batyr, the 5th Uvak elder Serkabay, the 6th basantuyIta 7 – to the Baimbet foreman Baimamet-bek, 8- in Karakisetskoy – sergeant SyrymbekuKazybekovu, 9th Tertulskoy sergeant YanabaturBey, 10th sergeant Well Kartsatskoy townships TaukeSaltanov and the add all the townships, to the elders and sultans its subservient kirgistsam (Kazakhs -. ZK) confirmed. And where is anyone, that there are horses or people, or cattle and things that would invariably be used in Russian places, they were looking for, given out, and so that they had no intention and evil in the Russian place.» [9, p.269-269 ob].

Often, the Sultanmamet Sultan assisted Abylai in solving complex cases not subordinate to the first. So, in a letter to the commander of the Siberian Corps, Lieutenant General I. A. Decolong, April 19, 1775, Sultanmamet wrote about his joint trip with Abylai Khan to the Sultan of Kudaymendy in the area of ​​the foremost, which is the last captured the Russian people and their property [9, l. 618, 618 about.]. This fact clearly indicates that Sultanmamet actively helped Khan Abylai to manage the steppes. And to demonstrate his loyalty to the Russian authorities was at that time a convenient trick of the resourceful and enterprising Sultan. Although often Abylai did not return the captured Russians, especially in the last years of his reign.

Often, the Sultanmamet preferred not to fully reveal his intentions and Khan Abylai. When, for example, the Russian authorities, through the loyal Sultan, wanted to receive secret information about his cousin and obstinate brother Khan Abylai, who showed excessive independence and uncontrollability, then they always received evasive answers, as evidenced by the lines from the letter of the Sultanmamet to General I. A. Decolong March 4, 1775: « Finally, Abylai-Saltan, although I am a brother, but now far beyond wandering far away from me, what opinions he cannot know.» [19, p. 335–336 ob].

Sultanmamet was known both as a true warrior – “Batyr” (in his personal seal there is an inscription “Bakhadur”), and as a “sardar”, the leader of the region’s largest militia at that time, he took an active part in many military campaigns that were significant for the Kazakh Khanate. At the age of over 60, he not only bravely fought with the Volga Kalmyks, but prepared a militia, the number of which was impressive for that era, – 50 thousand people, which included 7 thousand militias, subordinated to him personally by the Kypchaks. In particular, in 1771, at the direction of Abylai, he gathered from North-East Kazakhstan an army of 50 thousand people. So, on May 29, 1771, Sultanmamet sent a letter to the commander of the Siberian Corps, Major General S.K. Stanislavsky that he was leading 50 thousand soldiers against the Volga Kalmyks, coordinating his actions with Abylai [16, L.307 about]. In this regard, fearing the military might of the Sultan and a powerful military-political alliance with Abylai, the empire needed to weaken or neutralize the forces of the steppes. In particular, it was proposed to excommunicate Sultanmamet and his sons from their native Irtysh region and break up this alliance. Moreover, it was supposed to arrest Khan Abylai himself: «In this case, would it not be more convenient to excommunicate them from their places, for example, the shtob was not known. Why can there be departments of thoseSaltamamet-Saltan with Kyrgyz children without them, without being instructed by their foremen, and the obedience of evo, Ablai will come out. But it would have been more convenient if Ably himself had been evo, Ablai had succeeded in getting his opponent in his hands, and taking him to detention in Russia, through which and leaving Evo the people could completely come into best obedience, and finally set the traitor over them superiors» [17, p. 322 ob.].

Sultanmamet, as a skillful diplomat and faithful ally of Abylai, proved himself well in the Sino-Kazakh territorial negotiations, in defending the Ili River basin, which remained free after the destruction of the Dzungar Khanate. To preserve an important part of the Kazakh territory, Sultanmamet voluntarily becomes an “amanat” (hostage. – Auth.) of the Chinese Empire, which can be seen from the book of Professor K.Sh. Hafizova “Chinese diplomacy in Central Asia (XIV-XIX centuries.)”: “… in 1763, Abylai sent to China the father of his elder wife, a Kazakh from the Naiman family of Kinz-batyr, with relatives, the khan of the Middle ZhuzAburmambet, his father-in-law, SurtanSurtanmamet, who allowed him to occupy the nomads in the Iranian valley » [20, с.45].  A Russian researcher of a new time Levshin, wrote about the same thing. [21, p. 242]. In the history of Kazakh-Russian and Kazakh-Chinese relations, there was probably an isolated case when one of the strong rulers, whose authority was in a certain sense equal to the authority of Abylai, voluntarily gives himself up to “amanats”. Sultanmamet was known as the guarantor of international relations, and this once again confirms the complexity of interstate relations, when, sacrificing his personal freedom and even life, it was important to defend another inch of his native land.

Sultanmamet possessed tremendous experience in conducting tactical actions, often peaceful in nature, for influence and the right to graze the cattle of his subjects on the right bank of the Irtysh. The history of this confrontation deserves to be the subject of serious interdisciplinary research. So, in the years 1754-1755, Abylai and Sultanmamet, having considerable land tightness due to the onslaught of the Dzungars, began to arbitrarily, massively relocate their people on the right bank of the Irtysh, using the Bashkir uprising as an occasion. These were the last attempts to forcefully solve the problem of the return of the Kazakhs to their original right-bank lands of the Irtysh. The main instigator of the border incident, as it turned out later, was the Sultanmamet Sultan, who expressed the interests of his subservient people who were threatened by the Dzungar attack, who did not have enough pasture for their many cattle and forces to defend against the enemy: «And besides, the foreman Sultanmamet, as if according to the news his brother Abylai-Sultan, said: “From now on, their herds will be overtaken, so they will not let anyone out of the fortresses of people, and they will burn up the hay with fire, and water from Irtysh will not give» [22, p. 273].

The Russian Empire carried out a gradual, step-by-step tactics of introducing into the Steppe. This circumstance forced Sultanmamet to pursue an adequate, defensive policy to contain the Russian offensive initiative in the Middle Irtysh region. It is obvious that in the conditions of nomadic life and vigilant control over the actions of Sultanmamet, through the Tatar and Bukhara clerks and mullahs assigned to him, the commandants of fortresses and the Sultans and “batyrs” loyal to Russian Empire, it was very difficult to compete with the powerful system of Russian diplomacy. As we see Sultanmamet, the Sultan was a powerful factor in protecting the Irtysh Kazakhs from the arbitrariness of servicemen of the Irtysh line of fortresses, outposts and redoubts. It could not be otherwise: the Russian Empire in the person of regional authorities conducted negotiations through Abylai and, to a greater extent, with Sultanmamet. That was a forced step of the Russian Empire government: any insolence of the steppes could and should be solved only in a peaceful way. Later, after the mass acceptance of citizenship by certain groups of Kazakhs, there came a period of circumventing the Sultanmamet and negotiating directly, with Kazakhs subordinate to it: the Sultans, Batyrs, Biy, etc. Even during his lifetime, the Sultanmamet, thanks to his tireless efforts and successive policies of his many offspring, managed to obtain permits for temporary winter wanderings on the right bank of the Irtysh in 1771 and for “eternal wanderings” – in 1788 and 1798 (after his death. – Auth.) years. In 1808, this mutually agreed decision was once again confirmed for other left-bank communities, regarding temporary wandering in the winter, with the capture of “amanats” and the obligation not to approach settlements and mountain factories, and if so, without weapons . In 1854, from these resettled right-bank Kazakhs, who were called “stanichny”, “loyal subjects”, “internal”, ruled by the grandchildren and great-grandchildren of Sultanmamet, an extensive Semipalatinsk inner district was created, stretching from Omsk to Ust-Kamenogorsk fortress. In 1868, this district was disbanded and became part of the Pavlodar, Semipalatinsk and Ust-Kamenogorsk counties of the vast Semipalatinsk region. Thanks to the active policy of Sultanmamet and his descendants, the Kazakhs convinced the authorities of the legality of owning ancestral lands on the right bank of the Irtysh, returned to their traditional and original nomads, once temporarily occupied by the Dzungars.

After the death of Khan Abylai, in 1781, on the Kurultay of the Kazakh nobility, the Sultan Sultanmamet, among several other candidates, was offered Khan power over all three Zhuzes. However, he refused to accept the Khan’s dignity, citing old age. According to our data, at that time he was already over 70 years old. This fact once again testifies not only to the influence and authority of the steppe sovereign, but also to his decency, commitment to the steppe democracy and honesty before himself and his people. He was aware that at that age he could not effectively lead the Kazakh Khanate. Here is how the Ufa and Simbirsk governor I. Jacobi describes the elections of the supreme Kazakh Khan in his report to the State College of Foreign Affairs: «… And although with this choice it is not left to discuss the right of inheritance and other sorts of Khan’s surnames, it’s about the Tair-Sultan of the Barakovsky family, about the Sultanmamet-Sortan of the Variyevsky family (from which Birr and Abylai Khan), as well as about Abulpeiz-sultan ff the greater horde of the Abylmabet family, the first two of them themselves, and the last children were bullied, but all of them renounced the khan’s dignity, and sentenced you to be a khan to the aforementioned Uali-Sultan» [23, с. 106].

Sultanmamet Sultan was among the real contenders for the Khan’s dignity, after the death of Abylai, which indicates his high reputation and authority among the steppe elite. Perhaps there were other underlying reasons for his refusal to become an All-Kazakh Khan, because he had many Sultan sons; most likely, Sultanmamet really assessed the geopolitical situation and, realizing that in his position it was much more important to continue to maintain strategic priorities, he did not exchange for the Khan’s title.

Sultanmamet himself was present at this “Kurultai”, while elevating Uali to the Khan’s dignity, as can be seen from his letter to the regional leadership in the person of Major General N. G. Ogarev [21, p. 58].

In conditions of almost complete oblivion and some neglect of him, the once powerful and authoritative ruler, in the fall of 1794 the state of the health Sultan noticeably worsened. Therefore, in his personal letter of September 5, 1794, he addresses the regional authorities, send him medicines, and also asks to leave the old mullah before the arrival (rotation. – Auth.) Of a new one. Around the first decade of November 1794, the Sultanmamet, at the age of 84, leaves this world, as evidenced by the letter of his son Seit dated November 12, 1794, where he asks to identify him, according to the political will of his father, in his place – the ruler of the Kypchak tribe. For almost a decade and a half, he survived his close relative, a loyal ally and friend, Khan Abylai. At the same time, he left a political testament in advance, in which he asked to place, in the event of his death, one of his authoritative and brave sons – Seit, but Russian Empire made it his own way, appointing an unremarkable Karash [11, p. 36] .        

Merits

          Sources of different genres in origin, purpose of creation and authorship allow partial reconstruction of individual pages of the biography, life, foreign and domestic policy of one of the influential political figures of the 18th-century Kazakh Khanate – the Sultan of Sultanmamet. Even these fragmentary, scanty testimonies reveal the colorful figure of a Batyr, ruler and father of a large tribe, who owned the entire military-political situation in the vast domain entrusted to him and maintained stability in difficult international relations. He made every effort to uphold the territorial unity and integrity of the Kazakh Khanate. Together with Abylai Khan, they created an alliance opposing the two empires of that time – the Chinese and the Russian.

 During the  “dusty campaign ” in 1771 against the Volga Kalmyks, the Sultan gathered a powerful 50,000th army in the territory of  Northern, Eastern and partially Central Kazakhstan, that is, the Middle Zhuz, initiated the transition of the Kazakhs of the Middle Zhuz to the right bank of the Irtysh. Diplomatic correspondence characterizes him as a wise and subtle politician. As an experienced diplomat, Sultanmamet participated in diplomatic negotiations with the Russian Empire and Qing Empire, for some time he was sent as Amanat to China.

Sultanmamet acted as a glorious representative of the successor of the tradition of public administration, laid down by his distant ancestor Jochi Khan about five centuries ago.

Memory

An outstanding statesman of the Kazakh Khanate, Sultanmamet Sultan will forever remain in the memory of the people. He was a participant in many historical events that took place in the XVIII century, whose name was included in modern textbooks, study guides on the history of Kazakhstan, and collections of archival materials. Currently, the theme of the life of the glorious Sultan is relevant in the context of studying the history of the state and is waiting for its new researchers.

         In the framework of the regional program “Tan Zher” in the territory of the “Margulan Center” of the Pavlodar State Pedagogical Institute, the reconstructed estate of the outstanding political figure of the 18th century Sultanmuhamed Bahadur, better known as the Sultanmamet Sultan, was inaugurated. The result of serious research work on the life and activities of the Sultan was the monograph “Sultanmamet Sultan: statesman, diplomat and Batyr” (Almaty, 2018), authored by Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor Z. Kabuldinov.

List of references and sources:

 1. Erofeeva IV. Kazakh Khans and Khan dynasties in the XVIII – mid XIX centuries. Soros Foundation – Kazakhstan. Collection of scientific articles “Culture and History of Central Asia and Kazakhstan: Problems and Prospects of Research” // Materials for the Summer University on the History and Culture of Central Asia and Kazakhstan (August 4–23, 1997, Almaty). – Almaty: Edition of the Institute of Philosophy of MN-AN RK, 1997. – 160 p.

2. Valikhanov Ch. Ch. Collected works in five volumes. – Alma-Ata: Chapter. ed. kaz. owls enz., 1985.Vol. 4. – 461 p.

3. Kazakh-Russian relations in the 16-18 centuries: a collection of documents and materials). – Alma-Ata: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the Kazakh SSR, 1961. – v.2.- 892 p.

4. Andreev I. G. Description of the Middle Horde of the Kyrgyz-Kaisakov. – Almaty: Gylym, 1998 .– 280 p.

5. Materials on Kyrgyz land use, collected and developed by an expedition to study the steppe regions. Akmola region. Omsk County. Head F. Shcherbina. – Omsk, 1902. – T. 2.

6. The past of Kazakhstan in sources and materials: collection 1 (V century BC. – XVIII century A.D.); under the editorship of prof. S. D. Asfendiyarov and prof. P. A. Kunte, 2nd edition. – Almaty: Kazakhstan, 1997 .– 381 p.

7. Historical archive of the Omsk region (HAOR). – F. 1. – Inv. 1. – C. 212.

8. Basin V. Ya. Russia and the Kazakh Khanates in the XVI – XVIII centuries. (Kazakhstan in the system of foreign policy of the Russian Empire). – Alma-Ata, 1971.

9. The historical archive of the Omsk region (HAOR). – F. 1. – Inv. 1. – C. 190.

10. Historical archive of the Omsk region (HAOR). – F. 1. – Inv. 1. – C. 195.

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12. The historical archive of the Omsk region (HAOR). – F. 1. – Inv. 1. – C. 201.

13. Apollova N. G. The economic development of Irtysh at the end of the XVI – beginning of the XIX century. – M.: Science, 1976.

14. The historical archive of the Omsk region (HAOR). – F. 3. – Inv. 1. – C. 56.

15. The historical archive of the Omsk region (HAOR). – F. 1. – Inv. 1. – C. 132.

16. The historical archive of the Omsk region (HAOR). – F. 1. – Inv. 1. – C. 173.

17. The historical archive of the Omsk region (HAOR). – F. 1. – Inv. 1. – C. 176.

18. Russia: a complete geographical description of our Fatherland. Table and road book for Russian people / ed. V.P. Semenova. – SPb. : Publishing house of A.F. Devrien, 1903. – T. 18. Kyrgyz region. – 488 p.

19. The historical archive of the Omsk region (HAOR). – F. 1. – Inv. 1. – C. 195.

20. Hafizova K.Sh. Chinese diplomacy in Central Asia 21. A. Levshin Description of the Kyrgyz-Kazakh or Kyrgyz-Kaisat hordes and steppes. – Almaty, Sanat. – 1996. – 656 p.

21.Levshin A.I. Description of the Kyrgyz-Kaisatsky or Kyrgyz-Cossack hordes and steppes. – Almaty: Sanat, 1996 .– 656 p.

22. The historical archive of the Omsk region (HAOR). – F. 1. – Inv. 1. – C. 35.

23. ValiKhanov Ch. Ch. Collected works in five volumes. – Alma-Ata, 1961. – T. 1.

24. The Qing Empire and the Kazakh Khanate: the second half of the XVIII – the first third of the XIX century. – Alma-Ata, 1989 .– Part 2.

Kabuldinov Z.E., Doctor of Historical science, Professor,